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The Independent Producers Face the Hollywood Blacklist
Introduction to the House Un-American Activities Committee (HUAC)
by J. A. Aberdeen
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Walter
Wanger member of SIMPP and an early protestor of the
anti-communist movement. (Aberdeen
collection). To purchase Aberdeen photos for reprint purposes click
here.
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The Hollywood blacklist in the late 1940s illustrated the
complexities that SIMPP faced as the group walked the narrow line between
independent production and the industry mainstream. While keeping distance
between itself and the House Un-American Activities Committee, SIMPP unavoidably
became embroiled in the controversy. However, the diversity of political views
of the independent producers made SIMPP’s participation in the industry’s
anti-Communist activities somewhat uneven.
Back in 1944, Walter Wanger lead the liberal Free World
Association as it antagonized the Motion Picture Alliance for the Preservation
of American Ideals, the anti-Communist group cofounded by Walt
Disney.
Interestingly, not only was Wanger a partner with Disney on the polo field and
at SIMPP, but Wanger also revered Disney as a filmmaking demigod in numerous
articles and public addresses. However, during World War II, Wanger demoralized
the Disney-supported Motion Picture Alliance. Wanger claimed that the right-wing
political group had “linked throughout the nation the words ‘Hollywood’
and ‘Red’ and without proof”—to which the Alliance replied that the
Communist influences in Hollywood had done a perfectly able job of that without
their association’s aid. The Motion Picture Alliance included other
independents such as Leo McCarey, while the Free World Association claimed
Orson
Welles and James Cagney.
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Walter
Wanger (in front, swinging at the ball) and Walt Disney (in back
right) at the Riviera Polo Grounds in the mid-1930s.
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CLICK HERE to read the Motion
Picture Alliance "Statement of Principles"
McCarey and Disney both appeared before the House
Un-American Activities Committee during the first week of the October 1947
anti-Communist hearings. Charlie Chaplin, his public image then mired in
political trouble, was subpoenaed, but after several postponements was never
officially called to testify. The unpredictable Sam
Goldwyn, who was subpoenaed
as a friendly witness, likewise never testified. “The most un-American
activity,” Goldwyn told the press even before the blacklist, “which I have
observed in connection with the hearings has been the activity of the Committee
itself.”
After a month of combative testimony before the
Congressional hearings, ten “unfriendly” witnesses—including two
directors, seven writers, and one producer—with alleged Communist associations
evoked their Fifth Amendment rights to avoid incriminating themselves and their
colleagues. The industry expected that in the prevailing political climate the
House would vote to hold in-contempt the Hollywood Ten, as they were called, to
be subjected to fine and/or imprisonment. The heads of the major film companies
rushed to New York City on November 24 for a two-day conference to come to a
unified consensus.
Originally the Hollywood executives had intimated their
support for the Ten, denouncing the HUAC as a politically-motivated smear
campaign. But by the time the industry leaders gathered at the Waldorf-Astoria
Hotel, the studios had caved to pressure, largely from the investment community,
to take a more mainstream stand in opposition to Communism. The Waldorf
agreement denounced the behavior of the Hollywood Ten, and pledged that they,
the signatory Hollywood executives and producers, would not knowingly hire a
member of any politically subversive group. Thus began the Communist blacklist
in Hollywood.
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The
Waldorf-Astoria Hotel in New York (photo taken about 1946), the location of the famous meeting
of Hollywood brass that led to the blacklist in the film industry.
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The three main groups present at the conference were the
MPAA, AMPP, and SIMPP. At the time, SIMPP was considered the representative
organization of a significant segment of Hollywood, and had been building
important bridges with other leading industry groups like the Association of
Motion Picture Producers. Among those independents present at the legendary
meeting were Donald M. Nelson (SIMPP president at the time), Samuel Goldwyn,
James Mulvey, and Walter Wanger.
At the Waldorf conference, supposedly only three producers
objected to the blacklist agreement—Sam Goldwyn, Walter Wanger, and Dore
Schary—in events that have been famously retold by
Schary and others. However, despite the vocal objections of these producers,
all attending industry representatives became signers of the Waldorf agreement
in a “unanimous” consensus. In fact, during the conference, Wanger was
selected for what was called the Committee of Five that would go to Hollywood to
present the declaration to the actors, directors, and writers guilds. Wanger and
Schary visited the unions and invited their cooperation in the blacklist, much
to the confusion of the industry talent who had counted the two producers among
Hollywood’s most ardent liberals. Later Wanger became Los Angeles chairman of
the anti-Communist group Crusade for Freedom, and in 1950 made amends with the
Motion Picture Alliance for the Preservation of American Ideals. He publicly
acknowledged a previous “error in judgment” on his part, and hoped “to
bury old disagreements and unite to face the common enemy.”
The blacklist grew to include writer-producer Sidney
Buchman, the most direct SIMPP casualty from the HUAC era. Buchman was once the
golden boy at Columbia Pictures, and a close friend of Harry Cohn. While a
card-carrying Communist in 1938, Buchman wrote Mr.
Smith Goes to Washington, the freedom-touting Frank
Capra film. At the end of
World War II, Buchman resigned from the Communist Party, became an independent
producer, and joined SIMPP in 1946. Held in contempt for refusing to name names,
he avoided jail sentence on a technicality.
Even though Goldwyn, Wanger, and other independents had
signed the Waldorf agreement, SIMPP reserved for its members the right to decide
on their own. “The matter of determination of who is a Communist in respect to
present and future employment,” Nelson told the
members, “is left entirely in the hands of each individual producer and
studio.” Regardless it was an uneasy situation for the Society to be
associated so affirmatively with the conference. (Years later Goldwyn, writing
to Wanger, recommended against hiring one of the Hollywood Ten. Even though
neither of them harbored any personal animosity against the victimized former
Communists, Goldwyn reminded Wanger that both the producers’ signatures were
still on the Waldorf agreement.)
Furthermore, SIMPP had to distance itself from the industry
when the blacklist came under fire. In June 1948—evidently after the
less-than-successful persuasive efforts of the Committee
of Five—the Screen Writers Guild protested the Waldorf agreement in an
antitrust lawsuit, denouncing the blacklist as a conspiracy between the three
main motion picture trade associations: AMPP, MPAA, and SIMPP.
That same year, a $65 million damage suit enacted by the
Hollywood Ten listed SIMPP as a principal defendant. On December 13, 1948, the
day that Ellis Arnall became the new SIMPP president, the Society made a break
to forever disassociate itself with the blacklist. In a surprise disclosure,
SIMPP denied that the Society itself had ever been a party to the blacklist, and
sought dismissal from the suit. Not the least of the surprises was that the
statement was delivered by Gunther Lessing,
the arch-conservative legal presence of Walt Disney Productions. “SIMPP has at
no time entered into any of the alleged conspiracies set forth, nor is this
organization adhering to any such conspiracy,” SIMPP’s statement also
claimed. “Nor has it created a blacklist. Whether any individual member of the
Society chooses to employ or not employ any person is, as it has always been,
entirely up to him.”
After
the press release, the counsel for the Hollywood Ten removed SIMPP from the
lawsuit. The blacklisted artists applauded the move as a decisive split in the
united industry front. Their attorneys declared that Hollywood’s blacklisting
days would soon come to an end, but the prophesy proved premature.
MORE:
RELATED LINKS:
http://www.sag.com/blacklist.html
50 YEARS: SAG REMEMBERS THE BLACKLIST
Special Edition of the National Screen Actor - January 1998
If the above link does not load properly, click
here.
SOURCES:
Hollywood
blacklist: Donald M. Nelson to All SIMPP Members, December 1, 1947, WWP; the
letters gives a brief account of the conference, SIMPP attendance, a
transcription of the declaration, and mentions Wanger on the Committee of Five;
also see French, The Movie Moguls, pp. 119-124.
“The
most un-American activity”, Goldwyn at the conference, and letter to Wanger:
Berg, Goldwyn, pp. 433-439, 549.
Free
World Association, Wanger at the conference, and views on HUAC: Bernstein, Walter
Wanger, Hollywood Independent, pp. 193, 227, 268; Schary, Heyday,
pp. 164-167.
Motion
Picture Alliance and Free World Association: Confidential Report, September 21,
1944, FBI 100-22299—see Trethewey, Walt
Disney: The FBI Files, pp. 53-57. “Linked throughout the nation”: see
“Erred, Wanger Letter Admits,” LAT,
September 8, 1950, p. 18. “To bury old disagreements”: “Wanger Assured of
MPA Cooperation,” Hollywood Citizen-News, September 11, 1950.
Wanger
on Disney: see Walter Wanger, “Mickey Icarus, 1943: Fusing Ideas with the Art
of the Animated Cartoon,” Saturday
Review of Literature, September 4, 1943, pp. 18-19; reprinted in Smoodin, Disney
Discourse, pp. 44-46. Wanger on the polo field with Disney: see Finch, The
Art of Walt Disney, p. 118.
SIMPP accused of blacklist, denies blacklist: “Movie Companies Sued By Writers,” NYT,
June 2, 1948, p. 22; “SIMPP Denies ‘Ten’ Blacklist,” HR,
December 16, 1948, p. 1, 10, includes statement by Lessing, and plaintiff’s
reaction.
See Bibliography
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